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Wilton placed Harris at the South Summit on the radio with Hall when client Doug Hansen faltered. Harris indicated that there was no oxygen, and it has been speculated that the oxygen cache stored by Adventure Consultants on the South Summit had been pilfered by another expedition.

The Adventure Consultants' Everest expedition of 1996 consisted of three guides (Rob Hall, Mike Groom, and Andy Harris) and eight clients (Frank Fischbeck, Doug Hansen, Stuart Hutchison, Lou Kasischke, Jon Krakauer, Yasuko Namba, John Taske, and Beck Weathers).

Before even reaching Base Camp, Harris suffered from multiple gastrointestinal attacks at the lodge in Lobuje, while the party was preparing to go to Base Camp. Despite being advised to remain at Lobuje one more night, Harris proceeded to Base Camp with the rest of the party on 8 April 1996.

On 8 May during a climb, Harris was struck in the chest by a boulder the size of a small television. Although shocked, Harris continued to climb, but later realized that if the boulder had hit his head, he would not have survived.

Shortly after midnight on 10 May, the Adventure Consultants expedition began a summit attempt from Camp IV, on top of the South Col.

At approximately 1:12 p.m., Harris, Anatoli Boukreev, and Krakauer reached the top of Everest. They then started to descend. Krakauer asked Harris if Harris could turn off Krakauer's oxygen, to save it. Harris complied but accidentally turned the oxygen all the way up.

Later on, Harris checked on some oxygen canisters near the Southeast Ridge, and stated they were all empty, which they were not. It is believed Harris was suffering from hypoxia, which would explain some of the irrational actions he took. It has, however, never been proven.

Upon returning to Camp IV, Krakauer, possibly suffering from the effects of hypoxia, believed he had encountered Harris on the ridge above camp. Krakauer reported having seen him fall over the ridge to camp, stand, and stumble back towards camp. Krakauer, meanwhile, took the longer route around back to the tents but reported to others at camp that Harris had safely returned. Months later, while interviewing Mountain Madness client Martin Adams, Krakauer realized that the climber he encountered was in fact Adams and not Harris. In the morning, on May 11, after a search of camp, the climbers at Camp IV realized that Harris was missing.

Krakauer, who survived the disaster, wrote a magazine article and then a book on the subject after the events. Regarding his failure to recognize that Andy Harris was weakened and acting irrationally from altitude and lack of oxygen, Krakauer wrote that his own "actions – or failure to act – played a direct role in the death of Andy Harris."

Harris's ice axe and jacket were found near Rob Hall's body several days later. Before he died, Hall also mentioned that Harris had been with him, but was now missing. It is likely that Harris went to aid Rob Hall and Doug Hansen when they were trapped higher up on the mountain as the storm came in. It is unknown what happened to him, as his body was never found. It has been theorized that an oxygen cache stored by Adventure Consultants on the South Summit was pilfered by another expedition and subsequently discovered and reported by Harris.

Three hard hours later we reached the South Summit and the traverse to the Hillary Step, a forty-foot cliff at 28,700 feet. The route here is wild and exposed, along a narrow corniced ridge, the last barrier to the summit. I had planned to film this dramatic traverse as a centerpiece for our film. At its start, between a wind-blown cornice and a rock wall, lay a red-clad figure. He was lying on his side, buried from the shoulders up in drifted snow. His left arm rested on his hip and his hand was bare.

It was Rob Hall; no mistaking him, even from a distance. He was wearing a red Wilderness Experience jacket like one I'd owned. His red Patagonia bib overalls bore a distinctive checkerboard pattern in the weave which I had noticed two weeks earlier when I descended past him and his party of clients. He was facing east with his back to the wind.

My first thought was that-typical of Rob-the site seemed well or-dered. It was clear that he had made a determined attempt to survive. He'd removed his crampons to prevent them from conducting cold through his boots. His oxygen bottles were arranged carelully around him. Two ice axes were thrust vertically into the snow. One I knew belonged to Rob, the other-we later learned-to his assistant guide, Andy Harris.

On the way down, just short of the South Summit, I stopped to spend some time with Rob. Before that day, May 23, nobody had been by this spot since Rob had died on May 12. Now he was lying on his side. His upper body was drifted over with snow, covering his head. One arm and a leg were visible. His glove was off, and his hand looked like a big blue swollen claw.

There were oxygen bottles piled around him, as if he'd tried to improvise some kind of wind shelter. Strangely enough, there were three or four ice axes planted in the snow near Rob. I took a photo of them, and later we determined that one of them had belonged to Rob's guide Andy Harris. What happened to Andy remains as much of a mystery as what happened to Doug Hansen. Neither man's body has been found. Perhaps they both simply stepped off the ridge and fell down the gigantic Kangshung Face. But then why were the axes there? You don't let go of your ax, no matter what.

In the immediate aftermath of the disaster there appeared to be an effort to obsfucate the specific circumstances of Harris' death.

Cotter misreported that he was last seen " very close to the tents at the South Col (c4) in whiteout conditions".

Geography

Zalpa are Assyrian. "Nine texts refer in passing to the the Land of Zalpa (mat Zalpa), which may represent an ocassional attempt by the Assyrians to differentiate between two homonymous communities." Several texts from Mari mention "Zalba," "Zalpah" and "Zalwar." Multiple Hittite texts use the toponyms "Zalpa" and "Zalpuwa." Forlanini argued for four similarly named toponyms.

The Assyrian "Zalpa"

Assyrian records mention Zalpa in connection with "the Hahhum cluster," a series of towns

Along the Balikh

Zalpa was "situated probably at or near the estuary of the Marrassantiya River, the modern Kızıl Irmak, on the Black Sea coast." It has been tentatively identified with the archaeological site of İkiztepe, though Gurney believed it to have been on the southern shore of Lake Tuz at Acemhöyük where Purushanda has been traditionally localized. It is unrelated to another Zalpuwa located along the Balikh river in northern Syria.

"Nine texts refer in passing to the the Land of Zalpa (mat Zalpa), which may represent an ocassional attempt by the Assyrians to differentiate between two homonymous communities."

History

During the early Bronze Age (3300–2100 BC) the central Black Sea coast there were a cluster of settlements surrounding Ikiktepe with a mortuary tradition distinct from the Maykop culture to the east. This area belonged to the "Hattian milieu" and is presumed to have been settled by Hattic peoples from Syriadriven north by Amorites into Cappadocia. From there they settled a broad swath of central Anatolia from the Konya plain to the Black Sea coast. An Indo-European speaking people - the Pala (Anatolia) - appears to have settled to their northwest on the east bank of the Kızılırmak River sometime after 3000 BC. Another Indo-European speaking people - the Luwians - settled to their south in the Konya plain circa 2000 BC. The region became "divided into several small and large states, each centered on a town of importance," with "trade and travel between Zalpa and Kanes before the Assyrians established their trade routes." By the early years of the twentieth century BC the Assyrians had established a karum at Kanes where they coordinated commercial activity among this multi-ethnic society:

The eighty years of the karum II period were politically stable ones, in which the five major Anatolian powers, or mātū (Zalpa, Hattus, Kanes, Burushattam and Wahsusanah), maintained relatively peaceful relations, recognizing that it was in their own best interests to do so. This stability encouraged and facilitated the activites of the Assyrian merchant system in the region, which in turn promoted closer links between the various mātū. The eventual result, however, was an increase in territorial rivalry and a growing desire on the part of the smaller states to establish their independence in order to deal with the merchants in their own right. In the final years of the karum II period, signs of serious unrest and conflict arose among a number of Anatolian states, culminating with the burning of the karum at Kanes around 1830 [BC]. The perpetrator of this attack may have been Uḫna, king of Zalpa, whose conquest is mentioned in a later text and who may have had the help of the matum of Hattus, which was also hostile to Kanes.

Zalpa appears to have been the predominant power in central Anatolia for much of the late eighteenth and early seventeenth centuries BC.

Here the scholarship is divided as to whether the Zalpa in question is the central Anatolian state or the Syrian one.

The toponym is best known from the Hittite Tale of Zalpa in a fragmentary Hittite text dated to the fourteenth to thirteenth centuries BC but acknowledged as far older.

A letter by Hurmeli, king of Harsamna to Samsi-Adad, Amorite king of Assur indicates Assyria was allied to Zalpa at this time, that Harsamna was at war with Zalpa and interfering with Assyrian trade.

,11 because he was at war with Zalpa and the army of king Samsi-Adad had contributed troops to the king of Zalpa. To prevent this military support king Hurmeli blocked the roads to the Assyrian merchants.

At first, Zalpa on the Black Sea was allegedly the most powerful, and its king Uhna had destroyed Kanes. Later, however, Anitta of Kanes was able to subjugate Purushanda and then he also conquered Huzziya, one of Uhna's successors, thus becoming the most powerful ruler in the entire region. Whether his cam-paign against Hattusa, when he destroyed and cursed the city, was somehow connected with the conflict with Zalpa, and what would be the succession of the events, remains a matter of opinion.

The area was abandoned by the early Middle Bronze age.

The Legend of Zalpa «shows that the rivalry between a northern (Hattian) and a southern (Nesite) power was felt by the local population as the result of a long his-tory». This political and cultural distinction was still felt at the end of the Empire period, although the capital of the Hittites (who called their language «the language of Nesa/Kanes», nesili) had been located in the heart of Hatti for about four centuries.

There was trade and travel between Zalpa and Kanes before the Assyrians established their trade routes.

Forlanini proposed that the two figures became emblematic for several generations of territorial rivalry in the Halys basin before Hattusili I came to power. [His northern family line, descending from Huzziya of Zalpa, eventually defeated the southern claimants from Kanes/Nesa, the ones who traced their ancestry to Anitta and his father Pithana. The annals of Hattusili and Anitta championed conflicting factions that were still hostile when the Tale of Zalpa was written down.

The tablet on which the story is found is dated to the Old Hittite period (1700-1400 BC).

and to have "grown from a small kingdom in the north to a mighty kingdom in Central Anatolia around 1836 BC, when her armies defeated the kingdom of Kanesh."

The kingdom of Zalpuwa appears to have grown from a small kingdom in the north to a mighty kingdom in Central Anatolia around 1836 BC, when her armies defeated the kingdom of Kanesh.

Hittite Empire showing "Zalpa of the Black Sea" at the north. "Zalpa of the Annals of Hattusili I" is located at Tilmen Hoyuk, c. 90 kilometers to the northeast of Alalakh

Zalpuwa, traditionally also thought to be Zalpa, was a still-undiscovered Bronze Age city in Anatolia of around the 18th century BC. Its history is largely known from the Proclamation of Anitta, CTH 1. It has now been proposed that the Zalpa mentioned in the Annals of Hattusili I, CTH 4, was a different city located at Tilmen Höyük, in the Karasu River Valley south of the Taurus Mountains by Tubingen and Chicago Universities recent excavations.

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Arziya

رأس ابن هاني
Shown within Turkey
Location	Arziya
Coordinates	40°58′N 34°48′E

Arziya was an ancient region of Anatolia located on the upper Maraššantiya north of Hattusa.

Etymology

The name is a Luwic construct for "cultivated land," "field of cultivation," "agricultural resource" and figuratively for "granary."

Geography

The "land of Arziya" was located on the north bank of the Maraššantiya, and lay between the land of Zalpa to the north, the land of Pala to the west and the land of Hatti to the south. It has been identified with the modern Osmancık District of Turkey.

History

Arziya is mentioned in Hittite texts as a port town along the Maraššantiya that serviced the administrative capital of the Upper Land, Samuha.

See also

• Ancient regions of Anatolia
• Hittites